a strategy of peace speech

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We do not want a war. JFK's Strategy of Peace Theodore C. Sorensen On June 10, 1963, John F. Kennedy de-livered what many believe was the finest speech of his presidency. [6] Although Kennedy often interposed off-the-cuff ad-libs to his speeches, he did not deviate from the final draft of the address. Our problems are manmade--therefore, they can be solved by man. We must deal with the world as it is, and not as it might have been had the history of the last eighteen years been different. The conclusion of such a treaty, so near and yet so far, would check the spiraling arms race in one of its most dangerous areas. When he addressed the graduates, he did not gloss over the differences between the United States and the Soviet Union. McFarland. We are both caught up in a vicious and dangerous cycle with suspicion on one side breeding suspicion on the other, and new weapons begetting counter-weapons. Total war makes no sense in an age when great powers can maintain large and relatively invulnerable nuclear forces and refuse to surrender without resort to those forces. "[12], Kennedy's speech was made available, in its entirety, in the Soviet press[3] so that the people in the Soviet Union could read it without hindrance. The Pentagon and State Department were kept in the dark about the speechs content until the last moment, lest they attempt to scuttle it. War and peace are contrasting states, one being defined by conflict involving the organized use of weapons and physical force by states or other large-scale groups and the other being an occurrence of harmony characterized by the absence of conflict and violence. The Communist drive to impose their political and economic system on others is the primary cause of world tension today. So let us persevere. For there can be no doubt that, if all nations could refrain from interfering in the self-determination of others, the peace would be much more assured. It is an ironic but accurate fact that the two strongest powers are the two in the most danger of devastation. The Peace Speech - John F. Kennedy - SouthernCross Review By defining our goal more clearly, by making it seem more manageable and less remote, we can help all peoples to see it, to draw hope from it, and to move irresistibly towards it. He admired the splendid beauty of a university because it was he said, "a place where those who hate ignorance may strive to know, where those who perceive truth may strive to make others see.". I am taking this opportunity, therefore, to announce two important decisions in this regard. We are bound to many nations by alliances. To secure these ends, America's weapons are non-provocative, carefully controlled, designed to deter, and capable of selective use. Nor would such a treaty be a substitute for disarmament, but I hope it will help us achieve it. We are not here distributing blame or pointing the finger of judgment. And even in the cold warwhich brings burdens and dangers to so many countries, including this nations closest alliesour two countries bear the heaviest burdens. What kind of a peace do I mean, and what kind of a peace do we seek? Historian and Special Assistant Arthur M. Schlesinger Jr. observed in his diary, "from the viewpoint of orderly administration, this was a bad way to prepare a major statement on foreign policy. But surely the acquisition of such idle stockpileswhich can only destroy and never createis not the only, much less the most efficient, means of assuring peace. Let us focus instead on a more practical, more attainable peace based not on a sudden revolution in human nature but on a gradual evolution in human institutionson a series of concrete actions and effective agreements which are in the interest of all concerned. . Man's reason and spirit have often solved the seemingly unsolvable--and we believe they can do it again.". Let us focus instead on a more practical, more attainable peace, based not on a sudden revolution in human nature but on a gradual evolution in human institutions -- on a series of concrete actions and effective agreements which are in the interest of all concerned. I realize that the pursuit of peace is not as dramatic as the pursuit of war--and frequently the words of the pursuer fall on deaf ears. We are unwilling to impose our system on any unwilling people--but we are willing and able to engage in peaceful competition with any people on earth. Some historians rate this as the greatest and most. It will require increased understanding between the Soviets and ourselves. A third of the nation's territory, including two thirds of its industrial base, was turned into a wastelanda loss equivalent to the destruction of this country east of Chicago. In his speech JFK asks the graduates to re-examine their attitudes towards peace, the Soviet Union and the Cold War. Awni Etaywe, PhD on LinkedIn: I'm happy to share that I'm starting a . So let us persevere. Kennedy became President in 1961 and Algeria got its independence in 1962, after a long war . The quality and spirit of our own society must justify and support our efforts abroad. Too many think it unreal. However fixed our likes and dislikes may seem, the tide of time and events will often bring surprising changes in the relations between nations and neighbors. It is the responsibility of the legislative branch at all levels, wherever that authority is not now adequate, to make it adequate. All we have built, all we have worked for, would be destroyed in the first 24 hours. At the time he made that speech (I recall that as being the original form of that chapter) Algeria was still ruled by France. Our efforts in West New Guinea, in the Congo, in the Middle East, and the Indian subcontinent, have been persistent and patient despite criticism from both sides. https://en.wikisource.org/w/index.php?title=A_Strategy_of_Peace&oldid=4649672. And every graduate of this school, every thoughtful citizen who despairs of war and wishes to bring peace, should begin by looking inwardby examining his own attitude towards the possibilities of peace, towards the Soviet Union, towards the course of the Cold War and towards freedom and peace here at home. We must conduct our affairs in such a way that it becomes in the Communists' interest to agree on a genuine peace. I hope they do. According to surveys I've carried out for more than a decade now, most people favor Obama's pessimistic view of war over Kennedy's upbeat outlook. He believed that Soviet Premier Nikita Khrushchev was also interested in renewing U.S.Soviet relations. I'm not a big fan of the literary sub-genre of political rhetoric, even the best examples of which usually reduce to schmaltzy, self-aggrandizing propaganda. And if we cannot end now our differences, at least we can help make the world safe for diversity. I believe we can help them do it. World peace, like community peace, does not require that each man love his neighbor--it requires only that they live together in mutual tolerance, submitting their disputes to a just and peaceful settlement. "[11] In reviewing the history and context of Kennedy's speech at American University, Sachs' esteem for Kennedy grew further, concluding, "I have come to believe that Kennedy's quest for peace is not only the greatest achievement of his presidency, but also one of the greatest acts of world leadership in the modern era. And we are all mortal. In his speech the President explains that the treaty will strengthen national security, lessen the risk and fear of radioactive fallout, reduce world tension by encouraging further dialogue, and prevent acquisition of nuclear weapons by nations not currently possessing them. But wherever we are, we must all, in our daily lives, live up to the age-old faith that peace and freedom walk together. With such a peace, there will still be quarrels and conicting interests, as there are within families and nations. It makes no sense in an age where a single nuclear weapon contains almost ten times the explosive force delivered by all the allied air forces in the Second World War. [15] Republican Senator Barry Goldwater accused Kennedy of taking a "soft stance" on the Soviet Union. John F. Kennedy's "A Strategy of Peace," Crafted in Response to the Cuban Missile Crisis, is a Hopeful Lesson for This Moment Chunka Mui Futurist, Innovation Catalyst and Coauthor of "A Brief. It is the responsibility of the executive branch at all levels of government--local, State, and National--to provide and protect that freedom for all of our citizens by all means within their authority. Today, should total war ever break out againno matter howour two countries will be the primary target. The American University speech, titled A Strategy of Peace was a speech delivered by President John F. Kennedy at the American University Spring Commencement on June 10, 1963. One step in this direction is the proposed arrangement for a direct line between Moscow and Washington, to avoid on each side the dangerous delays, misunderstandings, and misreadings of the others' actions which might occur at a time of crisis. "When a man's ways please the Lord," the Scriptures tell us, "he maketh even his enemies to be at peace with him." What is different about Churchill's "Sinews of Peace" speech and JFK's "A Strategy of Peace" speech? We all cherish our children's future. After several months the opposition in the Senate lessened and gave the Kennedy Administration the opportunity to pursue the ban with the Soviet Union. That was the end of atmospheric nuclear detonations by the U.S. and Soviet Union. President John F. Kennedy . We must, therefore, persevere in the search for peace in the hope that constructive changes within the Communist bloc might bring within reach solutions which now seem beyond us. Talk, as Barack Obama has unfortunately demonstrated, is cheap. Our problems are manmade--therefore, they can be solved by man. Released January 20, 1963. In other words, a Strategy of Peace remains 50 years on as much a goal as reality in a world still full of nuclear weapons. I do not deny the value of hopes and dreams but we merely invite discouragement and incredulity by making that our only and immediate goal. We all breathe the same air. In short, both the United States and its allies, and the Soviet Union and its allies, have a mutually deep interest in a just and genuine peace and in halting the arms race.

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